Having
been talking about language and metaphors, and mentioning Grigori Permyakov in
this connection, it makes sense to continue this little series by talking about
language and proverbs, and by mentioning Grigori Permyakov in this connection
again.
This
entry is dedicated to my late friend and mentor Grigori Lvovich
Permyakov-German. It does not touch upon my personal experience with Grigori
Lvovich, which belongs not here, but in the Mirror section. I am
therefore limiting it just to the professional side of his scholarly achievement,
which is in semiotics, structural linguistics, and folklore, and broadly in
anthropology. Permyakov was a genius, in my opinion, whose revolutionary
thinking went far beyond the realm of proverbs, which must not diminish the
value of proverbs as one of the pillars of human language, and every scholar
and philosopher knows that the scientific value of language reaches well beyond
linguistics, permeating every possible aspect of thought as such. It is therefore
my duty to pass to my reader this memory of Permyakov’s lifetime achievement,
as I am convinced that otherwise his name may remain unknown, and virtually impossible
to come by in non-specific internet explorations.
Choosing
folklore as his primary field for structural-linguistic study, Permyakov
recognized that proverbs are highly complex entities, which ought to be
approached from a combined variety of angles. At the same time, the fact
remains that proverbs, and other such entities, are set clichés, whose
meaning can sometimes be deduced from their component parts, but often cannot,
being largely dependent on their association with the original contexts, from
which they have been removed to start functioning on their own. It is the
precise contextual meaning of these clichés which constitutes their linguistic
value as basic, that is atomic, “signs of situations.” Whereas in the
first case (where the meaning can be deduced from the component parts) the
clichés of this nature are generally comprehensible to all people, regardless
of their culture and language, the clichés of the second type will be
completely incomprehensible outside their language and associations circle. A
good example of the second kind is the Russian proverbial phrase “Demyanova
ukha,” “Damian’s fish soup,”
which is traced back to Ivan Krylov’s original eponymous fable, and
signifies an act of kindness that “overdoes” it. By the same token, most
Biblical clichés, such as, say, “loaves and fishes,” would have
been equally vague, had they not become universally recognizable entities,
predictably evoking in each of us virtually identical associations.
While
there are numerous such clichés where the meaning of the whole can by no means
be deduced from the component parts, there are equally numerous cases where
strikingly different component parts produce clichés virtually identical in
meaning. Compare the following proverbs:
You cannot wash blackness off coal even with rose water
(Indonesian).
Aloe cannot be made sweet (Swahili).
No matter how hard you polish a tile, it will never become a
gemstone (Japanese).
Even the mightiest bull cannot become king (Korean).
A donkey will not become a horse even if you put a fine harness on
it (Bengali).
It
is pretty obvious that all of these proverbs convey the same meaning, except by
very different imagery. If you translate the Indonesian proverb above into, say,
Korean by changing coal into a bull, and so on, your listener
will get exactly the same meaning from your translation as was conveyed by the
so very dissimilar original.
At
this point I cannot help but bring the reader’s attention to the genius of Nietzsche
the linguist, in Jenseits 268, where he makes an observation which is
remarkably relevant to Permyakov’s theory of clichés:
“What, in the end, is common? Words
are vocal symbols for ideas; ideas, however, are more or less definite image
signs for frequently returning and concurring sensations, for groups of sensations.
It is not sufficient to use the same words in order to understand one another:
one must also use the same words for the same kind of inner experiences, one
must in the end have experiences in common. On this account, the people
of one nation understand one another better than those belonging to different
nations, even when they use the same language; or rather, when people have
lived long together under similar conditions (of climate, soil, danger,
requirement, toil), what results from this is an entity that “understands
itself,” namely, a nation.”
What
Permyakov offers in part, with his approach, is the possibility of
intercultural translation, which is not a word-for-word translation, but one
that translates a specific set of experiences of one particular nation into a
corresponding set of experiences of another particular nation, thus achieving a
cross-national understanding. This is precisely how I profited from Permyakov’s
theory, and, having discussed my take on his theory with Permyakov himself, had
received his agreement, appreciation, and blessing to continue to develop my
take on his theory along my own lines of research.
Permyakov’s
structural paroemiology, or, as he called it, his “general theory of
clichés,” has a broad variety of far-reaching implications, and, as
I just said, my own special theory in political linguistics, expressed with a
deliberate vagueness as “non-traditional methods of political analysis”
in its academic codification by the Soviet Academy of Science and my
USA-Canada Institute, owes its starting point to Permyakov’s scientific genius.
For
more specific details of his groundbreaking theory, I must direct my reader to
Permyakov’s own works, many of which have been translated into English. But I want
to end this entry by quoting from his groundbreaking book From Proverb to
Folk-Tale, published in English translation in 1979 by Moscow’s Nauka
Publishing House:
“Paroemiologists have long been intrigued by the remarkable
capacity and internal structural complexity of proverbs. Indeed, for all their
outward simplicity, proverbs and proverbial phrases are far from simple. On the
one hand they are language phenomena similar to ordinary phraseological units,
yet, on the other hand, they are logical units (propositions and conclusions).
Moreover, they are also artistic miniatures, reflecting living reality in a
graphic, finely-etched form. This accounts for the fact that proverbial
expressions have attracted the attention of the linguist, the folklorist, and
the logical philosopher alike. The triple nature of the proverbs calls for a
three-pronged approach in which they are looked upon as phenomena of language,
of thought and of folklore, the more so since these three aspects are largely
autonomous. It is the failure to take account of this circumstance that has in
my view crippled most paroemiological studies, being largely responsible for
the inadequacy of existing classifications of proverbs. The following notes are
not intended to fill that gap, but merely to find an approximation to such a
general theory. I believe that the most likely answer is to be found in the
semiological approach to the material. It is semiotics, and probably, semiotics
alone, that can throw some light on the features common to all complex language
signs, such as the above mentioned phraseological, paroemiological and other
colloquial and folk clichés used in speech.”
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