The
reader is by now well aware of my preoccupation with the Nietzschean concept of
“the noble enemy,” translated by me
into my “great boxers” metaphor,
which I had once found ideally suited to elucidate the ideal state of
American-Soviet superpower rivalry.
What
kept me puzzled, though, was that so simple a concept as “the two champion boxers” (granted, the Nietzschean concept is
somewhat more complicated!) was so hard to grasp for the American public, which
used to uphold the unreasonable “either…or”
position, that is, you are either a friend or a foe, and you just cannot be
both. The hawks saw Russia as a total enemy, while the doves insisted on total
friendship. In this irreconcilable contradiction I somehow found myself caught in
a domestic American crossfire, where both sides, the hawks and the doves,
wanted me to join their side, mistakenly believing that I indeed belonged to
their camp, and quickly frustrated by my refusal to join either.
This
has actually been the biggest problem with the American political debate on
virtually every issue, on my forty-year professional watch: In order to join
the debate, you cannot appeal to an open mind of its participants. Unless you yourself
become partisan, and thus easily identifiable with a pre-established political
agenda, you will be treated as a foreign body, to be tossed out as one who does
not belong.
I
confess that I had realized that things were pretty much that way, yet I was
still hoping to single-handedly change the parameters of the debate on the
nature of the Soviet-American love-hate relationship. What was there so hard to
understand, after all? The two boxers, why doesn’t either side see that? Why do
the doves insist that the boxers quit
the ring? Why do the hawks insist
that there cannot be a life outside the ring?
Perhaps,
there was a problem with the messenger? Nietzsche was too controversial; as for
me, I couldn’t be more controversial myself. So, let us have a different
messenger, who speaks English not just fluently and eloquently, but, even more
importantly, natively, being one of
the founding fathers of the Anglo-American Civilization. Here is Shakespeare
for you, as quoted from his The Taming of
the Shrew, and sending exactly the same message:
"Do as adversaries do in law,--
Strive mightily, but eat and drink as
friends."
Although
my two boxers metaphor is still
somewhat better suited for the America-Russia parallel, I do owe Shakespeare an
ample measure of recognition for something that he was so keen to observe and
formulate three hundred years before Nietzsche and four hundred years before me,
and what so many people still fail to appreciate, that, among great powers,
rivalry may be the sole condition of amity, and vice versa…
So,
what is wrong with Shakespeare? Apparently, he is also a foreign body in the
American public debate, to be ejected without mercy. Like Nietzsche and myself,
he is talking about equals. But the
American bipartisan foreign policy consensus does not suffer America’s equals
gladly. America’s friendship today is not a friendship of equals, but one of
submission to her hegemonic power, sweetened by a few dollars to further cement
the relationship. And America’s enmity is not a glorious perennial combat of
noble enemies. It is a hard ultimatum: you better be our friend, or else we
shall obliterate you with all available means at our disposal.
The
only problem with this attitude is that more and more nations of the world,
Russia prominently among them, are by no means anxious to dance to Washington’s
tune, and there may not be enough ammunition at Washington's disposal to bring them all to heel.
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