Twenty-nine
years ago, during the Stanford International Symposium in October 1983, I was approached
by Harper’s Magazine with the
suggestion to write a 5,000-word article titled Why Am I Here? I wasn’t at all surprised, because following my
renunciation of Soviet citizenship in March 1981, every person I knew in
America, had been asking me the very same question. To everyone who knew me,
including the FBI and all other agencies of the American Government I was “a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an
enigma.” In plainer words, I did not fit any stereotype of a person in my
position. So, what was my position?
I
wrote the promised article for Harper’s, and
wasn’t a bit surprised that it wasn’t published. The advantage of stereotypes in
politics is that they are safe. Nobody, notably including the press, likes
unsolved riddles. If one found a riddle and for some reason couldn’t solve it
in a hurry, there were two solutions: one to pretend that it never existed, and
the other the Procrustes way, to stretch it or to chop it, until it would
comfortably fit a pre-manufactured bed.
There
was indeed an attempt to do a Procrustes job on me, characteristically by
those who did not know me. I was called “a
defector” by persons whom I never met; others called me in print “a KGB agent,” and some other "comprehensible" names as
well.
Quite
obviously, I was not a defector. I stole nothing, I sold nothing. I never intended
to turn my coat inside out: I just wanted to toss it away, and remain the
coatless me. For this reason, I resolutely said no to all jobs offered to me in
Washington, which would infringe on my personal and intellectual independence.
I wished to establish myself as an independent entity, and in case a regular income did not materialize right away, as a translator, to keep my pot boiing. (The quality of my translations had long been recognized as “out
of this world.”)
But
most importantly I wished to become an independent voice on international
politics, particularly on the superpower relationship. I was uniquely qualified
in this capacity, having been a fellow of the USA-Canada Institute in Moscow
since 1972, as well as a United Nations official, “on the side.” I also had had
a private access to the highest levels of Soviet decision-making, developing an
uncanny feel for the smallest print in the US-Soviet interaction.
Everybody
who’s been lucky enough to have a life’s dream will know what I am talking
about, when I tell them that I had such a dream, and that it was to make my
personal contribution to a better world, using my knowledge and understanding.
But I also realized that unfortunately it would be an impossible dream for as
long as I was constrained by my political limitations. There is no truth in
politics. As Comrade Stalin used to say, telling the truth to your enemies
makes you vulnerable to their machinations, therefore you must not tell the
truth, lest it be used against you. (Saying “you,” he also meant the State, thus it was not a matter of personal
vulnerability, but of national security first and foremost.)
It
goes without saying that Stalin and the USSR have not been unique in this
opinion. All great powers dissimulate and deceive as a matter of daily routine,
and woe to any government employee or a politician, for that matter, in any
country whatsoever, who either accidentally or intentionally spills the truth…
And
yet, there is some truth, critically important truth, that must be told
directly to the other side. Yet, the great irony in this is that as long as you
are identified with your country, the other side is going to assume an angle of
deception and trickery on your part, and the vital message will be
misinterpreted, and lost. In other words, an established figure on either side
can never serve as a messenger in such a vital communication. I am sure that an
uninitiated reader will read this in disbelief, but those who have been there
will silently nod their heads in agreement.
Thus,
the only way to deliver a vital message is indeed to become coatless, sideless, or as I jokingly put it, to position
yourself “neither here nor there.”
Although you cannot do this physically, it is difficult but not impossible to achieve it intellectually. In my case,
it involved an implicit trust in American freedom, a sincere confidence that I
could pull it off.
The
fact that today, after thirty-plus years of neither
here nor there, I am still functioning, and these days being able to publish my stuff
on my blog, is probably the best testimony to the fact that freedom in the
United States is likewise alive, for which great blessing I am grateful to the
American nation.
So,
why am I here? To be myself!
Risky,
but a risk worth taking.
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