Thursday, July 10, 2014

IL PRINCIPE FIORENTINE. PART II.


Coming now, at last, to the composition that has earned Machiavelli his popular image of the unscrupulous cynic, Il Principe does indeed raise the brows of the euphemistically-fed double-speaking public by its raw shocking straightforwardness, its audacity in telling the way it is.

Which great politician of modernity has not learned from this passage in Chapter XVIII of Il Principe, and has not profited from it in acquiring his greatness?---

"But it is necessary to be able to disguise this character well and to be a great feigner and dissembler; and men are so simple and so ready to obey the present necessities, that the one who deceives will always find those who allow themselves to be deceived… Alexander VI did nothing else but deceive men… but no man was ever more able to give assurances, or affirmed things with stronger oaths, and no man observed them less; but he always succeeded in his deceptions as he knew well this aspect of things. It is not necessary to have all these [virtues], but it is very necessary for a prince to seem to have them."

And also in Chapter XVIII---

"As a prince must be able to act just like a beast, he should learn from the fox and the lion; because the lion does not defend himself against traps and the fox does not defend himself against wolves. So one has to be  a fox in order to recognize traps, and a lion to frighten off wolves."

But teaching politicians how to be statesmen by feigning and dissimulating like a fox and crushing wolves like a lion is by no means all that Il Principe teaches. Here again is a summary by Bertrand Russell:

He begins by placing eminent men in an ethical hierarchy. The best, he says, are the founders of religions; (the underlining here and elsewhere is mine: observe his use of plural, which must have been anathema to the Church of his time, which postulated the singular of her true religion and the sacrilege of all others; it was a courageous feat on Machiavelli’s part to talk well of all religions with which I am in full agreement) then come the founders of monarchies or republics; and then, literary men. These are good, but destroyers of religions, subverters of republics or kingdoms, and enemies of virtue (!) or of letters (! --but where does this place Plato, who, as we know, was an enemy of the belles lettres, from Homer on to his contemporaries?) are bad. Those who establish tyrannies are wicked, including Julius Caesar; on the other hand, Brutus was good. (The contrast between this view and Dante’s shows the effects of classical literature.) He holds that religion should have a prominent place in the State not on the ground of its truth but as a social cement; (on this point of my strong agreement with Machiavelli see my closing comment below) the Romans were right to pretend to believe in auguries (in the nineteenth century, Gaston Boissier, writing a whole book on Roman religion, notes the insincere, often frivolous and openly manipulative attitude of the Romans to the religious beliefs of their times, in which implicit irreverence they strikingly differed from the Greeks, but, at the same time, they were nevertheless explicitly strict about religious observances, for the reasons noted by Machiavelli), and to punish those who disregarded them. His criticisms of the Church in his day (oh yes, there is a place for this too, in the Il Principe!) are two: that by its evil conduct it has undermined religious belief, and that the temporal power of the Popes, with the policy which it inspires, prevents the unification of Italy. These criticisms are expressed with a great vigor:

The nearer the people are to the Church of Rome, which is the head of our religion, the less religious they are. (Compare this with Nietzsche’s religious geography for an interesting discussion. Perhaps, I should try to elaborate on this at a later time, which is, of course, a note to myself.)

Her ruin and chastisement is near at hand... We Italians owe to the Church of Rome, and to her priests, our having become irreligious and bad; but we owe her a still greater debt, and the one that shall be the cause of our ruin, namely, that the Church has kept, and is still keeping, our country divided. (This remained true until 1870.)

Machiavelli’s view of the necessity of religions (once again, take notice of the magnificent use of plural!), roughly coincides with mine, expressed in numerous entries scattered in various pertinent sections, which (along with several other things, pointed out earlier in this entry) makes him, in my personal opinion, one of the most interesting and noteworthy political philosophers who ever lived.

 

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